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Folklore

La Llorona: The Weeping Woman, the Ditch Bank, and What the Scholars Are Actually Arguing About

The core story, the regional variants, the contested Cihuacóatl and Malinche claims, and the documented job she was given on the water.

Wild MeaningAugust 9, 202616 min read
#la llorona#mexican folklore#chicana literature#la malinche#cihuacoatl#ghosts#folklore

There's a kind of American garage that has a chest freezer in it, and in a certain number of those freezers, a woman lives.

Call her Ruth. Some families called her something else, and the arrangement never varied. Ruth is in the freezer. She's been in there a long time. She's fine in there, thank you. She has everything she needs. The one thing that will upset Ruth is a child lifting the lid.

Inside the freezer, in the parts of it a child is permitted to know about, are: a bag of frozen peas opened once and then clipped shut with a wooden clothespin, four loaves of bread nobody is ever going to eat, an ice cream cake with a piped rosette on it from a birthday that predates the child entirely, and a white paper package the size of a phone book with a butcher's grease pencil marking on it that turns out, years later, to have been part of a cow.

That's the manifest. The child has never seen any of it. Not once. She's working from description, the way you'd describe the layout of a submarine you'd only ever heard about.

What she does instead, for about four years, is cross that garage on the way to the yard on the far side, near the paint cans, along the wall, sideways, watching it. The way you'd cross a paddock with a horse in it. And if a car backfires out on the street while she's mid-crossing, she makes a sound like a kettle and wets her shorts and gets carried into the house by a grandfather who says nothing about it then or ever, which is the single kindest thing available to him.

You're not sposta lift the lid.

Nobody hands the child a backstory for Ruth. That part is hers, unprompted, because a four-year-old with an unsupervised imagination is basically a small studio with no notes process, and hers has Ruth sitting cross-legged on the frozen cow with her hair frozen out sideways, waiting, hearing everything, with opinions about which of the grandchildren she'd take first. (The child has also worked out that Ruth can't leave, which ought to be a comfort and is the exact opposite, because it means the only way anything ever happens to Ruth is if somebody walks over and hands it to her.)

Here is what's actually in the garage.

An old chest freezer with a latch on it. Not a magnet. A latch, the kind that seats and holds, the kind you open from the outside and only from the outside, and if the lid comes down on a child who is in there looking for the ice cream cake, that child is in a sealed insulated box with maybe an hour of air and a lid she can't push up because it isn't designed to be pushed up.

This was a known problem, and I mean known, with a paper trail. Between January 1954 and June 1956, fifty-four American children got trapped in household refrigerators and at least thirty-four of them died. Congress passed the Refrigerator Safety Act in August 1956, Public Law 84-930. It required that the door open from the inside. That's how the industry ended up on magnetic seals. Plenty of the freezers out in those garages were older than the law, or exempt from it, or both. Nobody checked. They sat next to a shelf of turpentine.

So the adults have one sentence available to them, and the sentence is, "That box latches shut and you would suffocate in it and we would find you."

And they look at that sentence, and they look at the child, and what they say is: Ruth.

The story as it usually gets told, and the parts that slide around

A woman, usually called María, falls for a man above her station. They have children. He leaves, or he marries someone appropriate, or he comes back to collect the children and not her. In the version that gets told the most, she takes the children to the river and drowns them. She understands what she's done roughly one second after it stops being reversible. Then she drowns herself, and is refused at the gate until she brings them back.

So she walks the water at night, weeping. And because she can't find her own, she'll take yours. That's the engine.

Ay, mis hijos.

Every part of that moves depending on where you're standing. Sometimes she's the drowner, and sometimes the children die by accident and she's just the mother who couldn't save them. The man is Spanish in a lot of tellings, and the point is the conquest. In others he's a man from a better family in the same town, and the point is a great deal smaller and worse. In Guatemala there's a detail I've never been able to shake. The volume runs backwards. If you hear her far away she's close, and if you hear her right beside you she's miles off.

That last bit isn't decoration. It's a rule that makes it impossible to know where the danger is, told to children who live near water.

The ditch bank, which is where this actually lives

Strip the ghost out and look at the geography and the story stops being mysterious in about four seconds.

She's on the rivers, and on the canals, the arroyos, the creek beds, the storm drains, and above all, in the American Southwest, on the acequias. Those are the irrigation ditches that run through New Mexico towns behind people's houses, narrow and steep-sided and a lot deeper in July than they look in May. Kids swim in them and skate the concrete ones. Then a storm hits the mountains an hour away and the water arrives with no warning at all. Every July.

Parents put La Llorona on the ditch bank. That's the job. Documented, ordinary and unglamorous, across an enormous geographic range: stay away from the water, don't go out after dark, and don't answer if you hear crying, because answering brings her.

Albuquerque made this official. Through 1984 the city ran a public safety campaign with her on it, rebranded as the Ditch Witch, on placards on the sides of buses: Ditches are deadly. There were bumper stickers, and it went into school programs. A municipal government looked at its drowning numbers and at its own folklore and decided the folklore was better at this than the numbers were. It worked.

I love that, and I also want to sit with how strange it is. A city council signed off on a ghost, which I have to assume went through a committee.

What Sahagún's people wrote down, and what it doesn't prove

This is the part that gets flattened into a single sentence on a thousand websites, so go slowly with it.

In the Florentine Codex, the enormous Nahuatl-and-Spanish work compiled by the Franciscan friar Bernardino de Sahagún with Nahua collaborators in the middle of the sixteenth century, Book Twelve lists the omens that were said to have preceded the Spanish arrival. The sixth of them is a woman's voice heard at night, going through the streets, weeping and calling out. Renderings vary in the English, but the sense of it is: Oh my children, we must go now. And elsewhere: Oh my children, where am I to take you?

The Nahua associated that voice with Cihuacóatl, Serpent Woman, a goddess tied to childbirth and to the cihuateteo, the spirits of women who died delivering. There's also a figure recorded as Chocacíhuatl. It translates as weeping woman.

That's genuinely in the record. It's the strongest card the pre-Hispanic argument has. Good card.

What it doesn't establish is descent. A weeping woman heard in the dark in Tenochtitlan and a weeping woman heard on a ditch bank in Las Cruces are the same image. Being the same image isn't the same as being the same story. The gap between the two is roughly three hundred years with no documentation in it at all. The earliest published literary appearance anyone points to is a sonnet by the Mexican poet Manuel Carpio, which turns up in his Poesías in 1849, and in it she isn't an infanticide. She's a woman murdered by her husband.

Different woman.

So the honest position on dating has some structure to it. The omen is sixteenth-century and written down. The legend as we know it is attested much later, and oral tradition doesn't leave receipts, so anybody who hands you a clean line from Cihuacóatl to the Ditch Witch has skipped the part where they'd have to show their work.

The Malinche claim, and the people who won't have it

The other thing you'll hear constantly is that La Llorona is La Malinche.

La Malinche, Malintzin, Doña Marina, the Nahua woman who was given to Hernán Cortés, interpreted for him, and bore his son. In the colonial and national imagination she got turned into the traitor, the one who handed a continent over. The story goes that she weeps forever for the children she betrayed, or for the child taken to Spain, or for the whole mestizo people.

It's an elegant reading. It's also doing an enormous amount of ideological work, and several scholars have said so plainly: the two figures are near opposites in the thing that defines them. Malinche's entire significance is that she produced a child. La Llorona is defined by destroying hers. Welding them together requires you to decide in advance that a woman having a child with the conqueror is itself a form of killing her children, which is a position somebody can hold, but it's a position and not a finding.

It belongs on the page as an argument with names attached to it, and not as background.

Kirtley's objection, which is rude and hard to answer

The folklorist Bacil F. Kirtley published a paper called "La Llorona and Related Themes" in Western Folklore in 1960. His conclusion was that the thing is largely European.

His argument isn't that the Nahua material is fake. It's that the plot doesn't fit the society it's supposedly from. The engine of the standard story is a woman ruined by an illegitimate relationship with a highborn man, whose shame is total and whose only exit is to destroy the evidence and herself. That shame is Iberian and Catholic. Kirtley's line about it is blunt: an Aztec nobleman in that situation would simply have added her, as another wife or a kept mistress, and there would have been no catastrophe to have a legend about. It's a good objection.

You can also line the figure up with a long shelf of Old World relatives. The White Lady of Germanic and Slavic tradition. The banshee. The Lorelei on her rock over the Rhine. Medea, obviously and awkwardly.

Domino Renée Pérez wrote There Was a Woman: La Llorona from Folklore to Popular Culture, which came out from the University of Texas Press in 2008 and is the book to read on this. She's likewise unwilling to sign the clean indigenous-descent story. Others push back hard the other way. Robert Barakat argued in the late sixties for a water goddess source, preferring Chalchiuhtlicue. Américo Paredes, who knew more about border narrative than almost anyone, held that the popular tale descends from indigenous versions whatever else it picked up.

Nobody has won. My read, for what a read is worth here, is that she's a syncretic figure with genuine Nahua material in her and genuine Spanish material in her. The fusion probably happened during the colonial period. The tidy origin stories on both sides are people finding what they went in wanting.

That's less satisfying than a lineage, and it's what the evidence supports.

She changes shape at every border

The regional versions are the best part of this whole subject and they get skipped constantly in favor of arguing about Aztecs.

In Nicaragua she's from Ometepe, in Lake Nicaragua, abandoned by a white lover, drowning the child against her own mother's warning. In Costa Rica the child goes over a waterfall. In Colombia she carries the dead baby and rocks it, and her tears run red onto its blue shroud. In Antioquia she has a name, María Pardo. Around Pasto she's Tarumama, with the hooves of a mule.

Ecuador's version is the one that would actually keep me indoors. She's searching for the body, and her son's little finger was missing, so she takes the little finger off anyone she meets.

Nope.

In Peru the wail is death coming for anyone who goes into the huaca ruins. In El Salvador she comes in off the main street looking for the road to the cemetery, and if you look at her and follow, that's you now, walking forever. In Uruguay, at Parque Rivera in Montevideo, she and the child drown in the lake in a storm, or else they're murdered and thrown in, depending on who's telling it. Take your pick.

And in the United States she's the ditch, over and over, from Texas through New Mexico into Southern California. The American folklorist Bess Lomax Hawes published "La Llorona in Juvenile Hall" in Western Folklore in 1968. It came out of a girls' detention facility in Los Angeles, and she found the figure fully alive among teenagers in a locked institution with no river anywhere near it. She'd moved indoors and gone on working.

The part where Chicana writers take her back

For a long stretch the only available readings of her were the two the culture handed out, which were monster and cautionary tale, both of them agreeing that the woman is the problem.

Then Chicana writers got hold of her.

Gloria Anzaldúa, in Borderlands/La Frontera in 1987, put her in a set of three with the Virgin of Guadalupe and La Malinche and called them the mothers, the mediators. Guadalupe is the one who stayed, Malinche the one who was violated and then disowned, and La Llorona some combination of the two. Anzaldúa's move was to hear the wail as protest rather than as punishment.

Sandra Cisneros published Woman Hollering Creek and Other Stories in 1991, and in the title story a woman named Cleófilas, married into an abusive house in Texas, gets driven out across a creek called La Gritona, the hollering woman, by a woman named Felice, who lets out a holler herself as they cross. The scream stays, and the meaning of it gets rebuilt. That's the move.

Cherríe Moraga wrote The Hungry Woman: A Mexican Medea, which runs La Llorona straight into Euripides and refuses to make the resulting woman comfortable for anyone.

I'll be honest that a certain amount of academic writing on this figure has a flavor I find hard to take. A woman drowning her children becomes a paragraph about the destabilization of hegemonic maternal discourse, and I put the paper down and think about the actual river. The writers above aren't doing that. They're doing something harder, which is standing next to the horror without either excusing it or handing the woman over to be a lesson.

Hollywood gets her twice in the same year

In 1933 Ramón Peón directed La Llorona, the first Mexican horror film with sound, which is a real piece of national film history and which almost nobody outside Mexico has seen. Rafael Baledón made La maldición de la Llorona in 1963. She's been in Mexican cinema, in one form or another, for ninety-odd years. She's a fixture.

Then 2019 happened and produced two films with nearly the same title that are useful to look at side by side.

The Curse of La Llorona, the Warner Bros. picture directed by Michael Chaves, slots her into the Conjuring universe and hangs the story on a white social worker in 1970s Los Angeles played by Linda Cardellini. It cost about nine million dollars and made around a hundred and twenty-three million worldwide. A large part of its Latino audience received it as a smash-and-grab: their story, their grandmothers' story, with the family in it moved off to one side to make room. That criticism isn't a vibe. Read the reviews from the time.

And in the same year Jayro Bustamante made La Llorona in Guatemala, and set it inside the house of a retired general on trial for the genocide of the Ixil Maya. That isn't a metaphor about a real trial. It's a film built on the shape of the Ríos Montt case. The weeping in that house is the weeping of women whose children were taken by the state. It went to Venice, took prizes at Havana and Bergen, and turned up at the Golden Globes.

Bustamante's is the better film by a distance, and it's also the one that got made in a country where the story is still in circulation and people would notice.

The sentence nobody wanted to say

The reason this story has lasted five hundred years in a dozen countries isn't that it's frightening, although it is. Plenty of frightening things die out. This one didn't.

It lasted because it's load-bearing. It carries a real hazard, which is moving water next to children. And it hands a four-year-old a set of instructions she can follow at night when the adult isn't there. All of that without anybody ever having to say the sentence underneath, which is: you could drown, and it would be fast, and we wouldn't get to you in time.

That sentence is unusable. You can't hand it to a child. You can hand her a woman in a white dress who is looking for children and who mistakes every child for hers, and the child will keep it, and turn it over, and give the woman a face and a schedule and opinions about which children she'd take first, and she will stay off the ditch bank for years on the strength of it.

The cost is that the woman in the story is a mother who killed her children, and she gets told and retold as a warning about what women do. A great many people have had to spend real effort getting her back out of that. The cost is real, and I'm not going to pretend the trade was free.

But the arithmetic is the same arithmetic, and it got run in every garage that ever held a latching freezer. Ruth is cheaper than the sentence nobody wants to say out loud, which is that the lid latches and the child can't push it up and nobody will hear her, and every family that ever set a weeping woman on the ditch bank came out of that sum with the same answer: a child will hold on to a monster far longer than she will ever hold on to a fact.

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